Party ID Trends
(Dem-Repub) in 2008 and 2007

September 2004 Essay on Nature of the Controversy

Postscript on
Election 2004

 Polls'
Party ID Stats During 2006

Campaign

Polling Links (General and on Weighting Issue)

Appendix:  Implementing Sample Weights in SPSS

Alan Reifman’s
Party ID &Sample Weighting Page

 
Examining Partisan
Composition
in Public Opinion Polls and…

 

 
...the Ongoing Controversy over Weighting by
Party ID

 


Campaign 2008 Entries

ABC News polling expert Gary Langer discusses un-leaned and leaned Party ID

Rasmussen changes Party-ID-weighting method -- party template is now updated each week, based on past six weeks' totals

A look from Pollster.com at partisan composition trends from states where voter registration is by party

Nate Silver at FiveThirtyEight has a nice posting on weighting for Party ID

Pollster.com's Mark Blumenthal weighs in on "Party ID Wars" for this year's presidential campaign
 


Sample for Obama-McCain Wisconsin Poll Raises Partisan Composition Issue

by Alan Reifman

The newly released (June 12, 2008) UW Political Science/WisPolitics poll of Wisconsin "probable voters" raises some issues, in my mind at least, of whether Democrats were oversampled.  In a state that has gone Democratic in the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections by only the slightest of margins, Democrat Barack Obama topped Republican John McCain by an eye-opening 13 percent in the recent poll (50-37).  True, the timing of the poll right after Hillary Clinton's suspension of her campaign and announcement of support for Obama may have given him a "bounce."  However, the party composition of the surveyed sample leads me to think that Obama's lead likely is artificially high.

As shown in the table below, the recent sample consisted of 14% more self-identified Democrats than Republicans, 38% vs. 24% (column 1).  These are responses to party-identification questions, not candidate preferences, although the two tend to be congruent (i.e., self-identified Democrats tend to vote for the Democratic candidate, and same for the GOP).  The party ID gap in favor of the Democrats widens to 16% when we eliminate categories other than Democrat (D), Republican (R), and Independent (I), in order to make things more comparable with other polls (column 2).  The above-linked article announcing the results of the recent Wisconsin poll notes the virtual parity in D and R identification in the '00 and '04 elections.  There is no question that Democrats have been building a substantial party ID edge over the Republicans over the last two years or so, both nationally (see the section immediately below on this page) and in Wisconsin.  But has the gap grown this large?  In the 2006 Badger State governor's race, the Democrats held a 4% advantage (column 3).

 
  Original Proportions 2008 Wisconsin Poll Modified Proportions 2008 Wisconsin Poll* Exit Poll from 2006
Wisc. Governor's Race
Republican .24 .26 .34
Democratic .38 .42 .38
Independent .29 .32 .27

*Readjusted to exclude other, no preference, don't know, and refused on party ID item, thus making R, D, and I sum to 1.00.


My advice to supporters of a candidate has always been to look at polls as pessimistically as possible.  Any Obama supporter who accepts a 14% party ID edge at face value -- an optimistic or even reckless stance, in my view -- runs the risk of being blindsided by polls that are (likely) much closer later on.  In accordance with this philosophy, I would like to re-weight the recent Wisconsin poll as if the partisan composition of the surveyed sample had matched that from the 2006 governor's race.  To do this, we also need to know how Obama and McCain did in the poll among the partisan subgroups.  Fortunately, the above article reports the following:

Party polarization is a striking feature of Wisconsin opinion at this time with 87 percent of Democrats and 89 percent of Republicans saying they would vote for their party’s nominee if the election were held today. “For all the talk about a new politics, the electorate is sharply split,’’ said [UW professor Charles] Franklin. Among independents, Obama holds a nine-point lead, 46 percent to 37 percent for McCain with 17 percent undecided.

Here's how we re-weight, for Obama first:

We can say the Democratic share is 38 "units" big, of which Obama captures .87.  Multiplying the two figures yields almost exactly 33%.  The Republican block is 34 units big, of which .11 is for Obama (I'm assuming anyone not among the .89 of Republicans for McCain is for Obama).  These numbers multiply out to 3.74%, which we'll round to 4%.  Finally, among the Independents (27 units big), Obama takes .46, yielding 12.42%, which we'll round to 12%.  The three obtained products (in blue) sum to 49%.  This number is virtually identical to the 50% support figure in the recent Wisconsin poll; this is not surprising, as Democrats comprised 38% of the sample in the poll and in the exit poll from 2006.

Now let's do McCain:

Again, the Democratic share is 38 "units" big, of which McCain gets .13 (assumed from what's left after Obama's support ).  Multiplying the two figures yields essentially 5%.  The Republican block is 34 units big, of which .89 is for McCain, multiplying out essentially to 30%.  Finally, among the Independents (27 units big), McCain wins .37 yielding 10%.  The three obtained products (in red) sum to 45%.  Thus, positing that self-identified Republicans comprise 34, rather than 24, percent of the Wisconsin electorate makes the Obama-McCain contest much closer, 49-45

As a final aside, I took a summer statistics course at the University of Michigan (my graduate school alma mater) in 1985 from the aforementioned Dr. Franklin.

UPDATE:  Dr. Franklin addresses the issue of party ID in Wisconsin, on his own blog (once the new page comes up, you may have to scroll down to find that particular posting).  Apparently, the shift in recent years to a sizable Democratic edge is pretty robust.
 



Trends in Partisan Composition (Party ID) of the Electorate
 

Rasmussen monthly party ID trends (based on 15,000 respondents per month)

Here and here

***

Ipsos/AP Poll, March 3-5, 2008

D 39-R 24; with leaners, D 52-R 35

***

Politico.com, September 18, 2007, "GOP Identification Drops"

Party identification — or affiliation, as it’s also called — measures whether people consider themselves to be Republican,
Democratic or independent. In 2004, according to [Public Opinion Strategies'] merged polling data (think of it as one huge data set
compiled over the course of a year), Republicans were at rough parity with Democrats in party ID, trailing them by three percentage points.
At this point in 2007, they trail Democrats by seven. Other, nonpartisan national surveys show a similar disinclination to identify with the GOP.

***

Pew Research Center for the People and the Press

March 20, 2008
"Fewer Voters Identify as Republicans:
Democrats Now Have the Advantage in 'Swing' States"

March 22, 2007
"
Trends in Political Values and Core Attitudes: 1987-2007:
Political Landscape More Favorable to Democrats
"

 



Party ID-Related Information Compiled During the
2006 Midterm Election Campaign

Dr. Reifman's summary of the party ID/sample weighting issue in the 2006 elections is available at Pollster.com.

End-of-the-year 2006 Gallup report on party ID at the national and state levels
(discussed here and here at Pollster.com)

 

National Polls
Pollsters not shown either weight to a set partisan template  (Rasmussen, Zogby) or don’t appear to disclose their polls’ partisan composition

Days in Field
(2006)

Bush Job Approval(%)

% Vote for Congress?(Generic Ballot)

% of Sample Comprised of Self-Identified Partisans

Partisan
Composition of
Sample, Relative
to Rasmussen
Gold Standarda
[
37.0 D, 32.3 R]

D

R

D

R

NY Times Exit Poll
(Click here, then on
"Graphic")
Election Day
November 7
--- 54 46 39 36 D margin (+3) predicted well by late polls
FOX-Opinion
Dynamics
Nov 4-5 38 49 36 39 35 Margin about right
Pew Research
Center
(also here)
Nov 1-4 41 48/47b 40/43 35 31 Margin about right
ABC-
Washington Post
Nov 1-4 43
(registered)
53/51b 43/45 35/33 32/34 R edge in LV contrary to all other known readings
Time-SRBI Nov 1-3 37 55 40 29 26 D edge
understated
New York Times-
CBS
Oct 27-31 34 52/52b 33/34 35 28 D edge
overstated
Cook-
RT Strategies
Oct 26-29 41/39b
(38)d
52/59
(61)c
39/36
(35)
32/39
(41)
e
30/29
(29)
Reg. understates D edge, more likely categories overstate it
AP-AOL-Ipsos
 
Oct 20-25 37/38b 54/56 37/37 36/37e 30/30 D edge
overstated
FOX-Opinion
Dynamics
Oct 24-25 40 49 38 39 36 D edge
understated
Diageo-Hotline Oct 19-23 40/40b 49/52 34/34 31/35e 28/28 Registered under-states D edge, likely-voter overstates it
These green demarcations are to group polls by date, to compute averages for given time frame (see below).
ABC-
Washington Post
Oct 19-22 40
(registered)
54 41 30 28 D edge
understated
Cook-
RT Strategies
Oct 19-22 37/35b
(37)
d
49/56
(57)
c
37/34
(35)
31/36
(37)
e
29/27
(29)
D edge overstated among likeliest
voters
Newsweek
(more recent poll done, but party ID not available)
Oct 19-20 35 55 37 36 29 D about right,
R understated
American Research
Group
Oct 18-21 36
(registered)
--- --- 37 34 D right on,
R slightly high
Partisan composition averages of the four polls (above) taken from Oct 18-22 inclusive:  D 34.4 , R 29.8
Pew Research
Center
Oct 17-22 38 49 38 32e 26 D edge slightly
overstated
Democracy Corps
(Dem. affiliated)
Oct 15-17 39 51
(54)
f
40
(40)
40e 32 D edge
overstated
NBC-Wall St. J.
(more recent poll done, but party ID not available)
Oct 13-16 38 52c 37 28e 27 (D edge 43-37 w/
Ind-leaners matches Ras margin decently)
FOX-Opinion
Dynamics
Oct 10-11 40 50 41 38 34 Nearly
perfect!
These green demarcations are to group polls by date, to compute averages for given time frame.
USA Today-Gallup
(more recent poll done, but party ID not available)
Oct 6-8 37 59 36 38 29 D about right,
R understated
Cook-
RT Strategies
Oct 5-8 41/42b
(42
d)
49/51
(50)
c
38/40
(41)
33/35
(37)
e
33/34
(35)
D edge
understated
New York Times-
CBS
Oct 5-8 34 49 35 35 30 D-R margin almost perfect
ABC-
Washington Post
Oct 5-8 39 54 41 38 27 D edge (11%)
unusually large
Newsweek
 
Oct 5-6 33 51/51b 38/39 38/39 27/29 D edge (10-11%)
unusually large
Partisan composition averages of the five polls (above) taken from Oct 5-8 inclusive:  D 36.9, R 29.6
Democracy Corps
(Dem. affiliated)
Oct 1-3 43 51
(50)
f
41
(44)
39e 36 D edge under-stated somewhat
AP-Ipsos Oct 2-4 38/39b 54/51 38/41 36/36e 28-30 D about right,
R understated
Time-SRBI Oct 3-4 36 54 39 35 27 D edge (8%)
unusually large
Pew Research
Center
Sept 21-
Oct 4
37 51 38 34 27 D advantage
overstated a bit
NBC-Wall St.
Journal
Sept 30-
Oct 2
39 48 39 43 37 D advantage
overstated a bit
Shown here.
Cook-
RT Strategies
Sept 21-24 40/40b
(47d)
49/54
(49)
c
35/36
(41)
34/40
(38)
31/31
(35)
D-R margins fluc-tuate around Ras.
Diageo-Hotline Sept 24-26 42/42b 43/46 33/33 39/43 32/34 D too high;
R about right
FOX-Opinion
Dynamics
Sept 26-27 42 49 38 38 34 Virtually
perfect!
American Research Group Sept 18-21 39
(registered)
--- --- 35 32 3-pt difference
a little narrow
New York Times-
CBS
Sept 15-19 37 50 35 32 30 Understates D edge somewhat
USA Today-
Gallup
Sept 15-17 44 51/48b 42/48 34 31 3-pt difference
a little narrow

AP-Ipsos

Sept 11-13

41/40

51/53

39/39

35/37

26/27

D about right;
too few
R

FOX-Opinion Dynamics

Sept 12-13

40

41

38

36

35

D about right;
R slightly high